White Helmets are not the shining knights projected in the Western media. They are a propaganda tool in the hands of the West, their real creators.
October marks the forty-fifth anniversary of the Egypt-Syria War with Zionist Israel. Had it not been for Anwar Sadat’s cowardice, the Egyptian General, Muhammad Shadhli was winning the war, had he been allowed to do so.
The three-year dictatorship of the Egyptian Pharaoh, El-Sisi has increased the misery of the people and there is no end in sight for any relief.
By locking up all challengers, dictator el Sisi wants to be crowned uncontested king in Egypt’s presidential elections.
While not entirely its end, Mosul’s liberation will be a major blow to the takfiri terrorists in the region.
Gripped by multiple crises, the Bani Saud think buying more weapons from the West would get them security. This is likely to hasten their downfall.2
Masjid al Aqsa, the first qibla of Muslims, remains under Zionist occupation. Zionist squatters are becoming more aggressive and belligerently encroaching on the noble Sanctuary. It is incumbent on Muslims to highlight this and take urgent steps to redress this. A good starting point is the Quds Day rallies organized worldwide on the last Friday of Ramadan.
The oldest contemporary Islamic movement—the Ikhwan al-Muslimoon—in Egypt is expected to display much better understanding and greater maturity but unfortunately their conduct has led to the disaster they faced.
The ballot papers were all printed and arranged in neat piles in each polling station. The ballot boxes duly locked were also delivered to the appropriate polling stations. There were even election officials present — a remarkable achievement in a country where the bureaucracy is notorious for its lethargy.
Judges in Egypt act like executioners and serve as slaves for the brutes in uniform. Handing death sentences by the scores has become routine in Egypt under the Pharaohs.
There were two conferences back-to-back on combating terrorism last month. The first was in Washington DC, the second in Makkah. The irony is that the host countries are the biggest supporters of terrorism.
The military regime in Egypt has instilled such fear in people that they have all become informants for the government.
In a stinging 188-page report, Human Rights Watch has accused the Sisi-led military regime of premeditated murder and genocide against innocent civilians in Egypt. HRW has called for putting these people on trial.
After fraudulent elections in which he claimed to have won 96 percent of the vote, General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi has launched a crusade against masajid in Egypt. They are seen as a potential source of challenge to his illegitimate authority.
Even by the brutal standards of the Egyptian military, the mass death sentences in one case—529 people sentenced to death for the killing of one policeman—have sent shockwaves globally. The regime may be digging its own grave.
Even while Saudi and Qatari vultures prey on vulnerable Syrian refugees in Jordan and Turkey, the government of Lebanon as well as Hizbullah are gamely looking after more than a million refugees that constitute a quarter of their total population.
The thugs that have ruled Egypt for decades are re-writing a new constitution to provide a veneer of legitimacy for their illegal rule. The people meanwhile are being deprived of basic rights.
Despite the military’s brutal crackdown, the Ikhwan al-Muslimoon are not down and out. They are able to mobilize the street power to pose a continuous challenge to the military-backed regime and the illegal coup.
By massacring unarmed civilians that were merely holding a sit-in, the military has brought Egypt to the brink of civil war. While the military may have the guns and may be able to kill a very large number of people, they have lost all credibility and will ultimately pay a heavy price for such brutality.
The July 3 coup in Egypt has set the people of Egypt back by many decades. The brutal crackdown on supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood and mass killings prove the military’s evil intentions.
President Mursi has succumbed to US-Saudi-zionist pressure and joined the crusade in Syria. Since becoming president, he has badly mishandled Egypt’s affairs and with a bankrupt economy, he has embarked on a policy that will have serious repercussions for the country’s future.
June marks a grim anniversary for the people and armed forces of Egypt. While Egyptians deal with that grim legacy they are faced with fresh problems in the aftermath of the overthrow of the Mubarak regime.
General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi of Egypt and the Saudi regime sing from the same hymn page. They both oppose the people’s demand for free speech or even reforms.
Western NGOs or those financed by the west have taken over from Western missionaries during the colonial era. We examine the forces behind them.
The people of Egypt showed they would not be persuaded to follow the path of instability and chaos. After two years of turmoil, they want peace and stability. They showed it by voting overwhelmingly in favour of the new constitution.
The travails of President Mohamed Mursi clearly highlight the pitfalls of accepting half-measures and working within the existing jahili system. The old guards are fighting back frustrating the march toward a constitutional-based order in Egypt.
In addition to facing opposition from remnants of the Mubarak era, President Mohamad Mursi of Egypt will face his greatest foreign policy challenges from the US, Israel, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Ayman Ahmed explains why.
President Mohamed Mursi’s attempt to follow an independent foreign policy for Egypt does not sit well with the Americans who want only subservient rulers in the Muslim world.
The euphoria that greeted the official announcement confirming victory of Dr. Mohamed al-Mursi of Hizb al-Hurriyah wa-al-‘Adalah (the Freedom and Justice Party) in the run-off presidential election of June 16 and 17 may prove short-lived.
In a crowded field of 13 candidates, Dr. Muhammad al-Mursi of the Ikhwan-backed Hizb al-Hurriyah wa-al-‘Adalah (the Freedom and Justice Party), won the first spot in presidential elections on May 23 and 24.
Exactly a year after peoples’ uprisings shook the Muslim East (Middle East) driving three dictators from power, considerable uncertainty still prevails. Elections have been held in Tunisia (October 23), Morocco (November 25) and Egypt (November 28–29; December 14–15 and the next round scheduled for January 9–10, 2012), but they have failed to stem unrest.
Unease and concerns have escalated among political activists in Egypt following announcement by two top generals that the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) intends to remain in firm control even after election of the People’s Assembly.
Egyptians will go to the polls on 11-28-2012 to elect representatives for a new parliament, the People’s Assembly, so that it can draft a new constitution. Elections to the upper Shura Council will take place on 1-29-2012. Once completed, the new constitution will then be put to a referendum for approval.
The people of Egypt are gradually waking up to the reality that it is one thing to drive a dictator out, even one that has been around for as long as Hosni Mubarak — 30 years — and quite a different matter to change the political system and the culture of entitlement that has grown within it. There are many constituencies that have unfairly benefitted under the old system; they are not likely to give up their privileged positions so easily, Mubarak or not.
More than a year after the ouster of dictator Hosni Mubarak, Egyptians are faced with a curious dilemma that is both promising as well as frustrating. It is promising because the military regime has been forced to bring forward the date of presidential elections to May.