Omar Ahmed
This month will mark the 21st anniversary of the illegal, US-led invasion and subsequent pillage and destruction of Iraq. The war predicated on lies surrounding alleged weapons of mass destruction, officially spanned eight years, before US forces withdrew in 2011, following the troop surge of 2007. Yet, despite declaring that the Iraq War was over, thousands of US soldiers returned to the country in 2014. This was ostensibly to confront the threat posed by the self-proclaimed caliphate by Daesh.
Although territorially defeated in both Iraq and Syria, the US seeks to justify its military presence in both countries – the latter is an illegal one. Nevertheless, the existence of US bases in such geo-strategically important states in the region is widely perceived as an American occupation. Its ultimate objective, of course, is to protect the interests of the zionist entity, which has for seven decades occupied Palestine. It is also waging a relentless genocidal campaign in Gaza which has gone on for five months and continuing.
The perception of an enduring US occupation of Iraq is particularly keenly felt by neighbouring Iran. While Iran did benefit immensely from the blunder and short-sightedness of Washington’s reckless and destabilizing invasion, the presence of such a hostile superpower on its borders is intolerable, especially considering that the Islamic Republic, along with Syria, formed part of the “Axis of Evil” and were among several Muslim-majority countries next in line for US regime change wars during the Bush-era.
Crucially, the notion of the US as an occupying force in Iraq is also shared by Iraqi resistance factions, operating within the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) who have been stepping up resistance operations against the US in Iraq and Syria in solidarity with Palestine. The PMF not only constitute an integral part of Iraq’s armed forces but also include factions closely aligned with and supported by Iran.
Chief among these is Kataib Hizbullah (KH), considered to be the most powerful of the “Islamic Resistance of Iraq,” which has claimed over 150 attacks on US forces in Iraq and Syria since the aftermath of the Hamas-led Al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023.
The US believes KH was responsible for the deadly drone attack on the US military outpost, Tower 22 on the Jordanian-Syrian border, which killed three US military personnel and injured dozens of others. This prompted the US to carry out dozens of airstrikes across sites “belonging to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and its allies, in Iraq and Syria.”
While resistance factions have routinely targeted US bases in the region, the strike on the Jordan-Syria border was a clear escalation in the severity of the attacks, especially given that they resulted in fatalities. It is believed to be a CIA base from where it carries out surveillance operations against resistance forces.
Days before the US “retaliatory” strikes, KH announced it had suspended its operations against the US in the region. It came as a surprise and was interpreted to have been done so as not to “embarrass” the Iraqi government. The announcement comes amid growing pressure on Baghdad which is currently trying to diplomatically facilitate an “orderly” withdrawal of US forces from its soil.
Such calls have been amplified in the country, particularly since the January 2020 US assassination of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) Quds Force, alongside the deputy head of the PMF, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis. This event further fuelled sentiment against the US presence in Iraq putting the country in a difficult position, while maintaining crucial ties with Iran.
In fact, days after the targeted killing, Iraqi parliament passed a measure calling for the removal of foreign military troops from the country. It also demanded the cancelling of the agreement with US forces stationed in Iraq over the fight against Daesh.
Regardless of KH's temporary respite in operations against US forces, other resistance factions remain committed to targeting them. US forces undoubtedly feel the pressure due to Washington's support for Israel’s genocide in Gaza. This support is in conjunction with wider efforts among the region's Axis of Resistance to achieve a lasting ceasefire and lift the siege on humanitarian aid into Gaza.
Recent reports suggest a general cessation in attacks against US forces in Iraq, possibly due to a visit by the late General Qassem Soleimani’s successor, Esmail Qaani, in late January. Therefore, it seems unlikely that US forces will be compelled to withdraw solely through armed struggle, given ongoing diplomatic developments and de-escalation attempts.
However, if the killing of three US soldiers was sufficient to bring the US closer to the negotiating table over troop withdrawal, it highlights the region's history of using brute force to accelerate US withdrawals.
This was evident in the protracted war in Afghanistan by the Taliban and the devastating 1982 Beirut bombing of a marine barracks by Hizbullah, which claimed over 200 marines' lives and prompted a hasty and humiliating retreat of US forces withdrawal from Lebanon.
Regardless of KH’s seemingly temporary respite in its operations against US forces, other resistance factions are committed to targeting US forces, who are undoubtedly feeling the pressure over Washington’s support and enabling of genocide in Gaza in conjunction with wider efforts among the region’s Axis of Resistance in their efforts to bring about a lasting ceasefire and to life the siege on humanitarian aid into Gaza.
Yet if recent reports are to be believed, that there has been a general cessation in attacks against US forces in Iraq due to a visit by Soleimani’s successor Esmail Qaani in late January, then it is unlikely that we will see US forces compelled to withdraw by armed struggle, amid diplomatic developments and de-escalation attempts.
Though, if the killing of three US soldiers was enough to bring the US closer to the negotiating table over troop withdrawal, one thing the region has shown is that brute force has proved to accelerate US withdrawal, as seen with the protracted war in Afghanistan by the Taliban, and the devastating 1982 Beirut bombing of a marine barracks, carried out by Hezbollah which killed over 200 marines, prompting the hasty withdrawal from Lebanon.
Even if the Iraqi resistance were to escalate operations against US forces, the autonomous Kurdish region remains vulnerable to hostile infiltration. It is, characterized by close ties to the US and, more significantly, Israel’s Mossad. This is —somethingg which the IRGC is very much aware of. It, hasving taken practical steps to address this threat in recent months.
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