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Bani Saud raise the Black Flag Army in Yemen

Catherine Shakdam

Facing imminent defeat at the hands of the Ansarallah in Yemen, the Saudis have become desperate. Their pet terrorists, Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, have also failed so the takfiri terrorists have been unleashed in Yemen.

With Yemen’s latest brokered truce lying in tatters over a carpet of bombing leading to more wanton destruction, Saudi Arabia has hastened the pace against its defiant neighbour, keen once more to play the terror card to forward its nefarious agenda. With US president-elect Donald Trump about to enter the White House in January 2017, and not so much as an inkling as to what it is he will do — support Riyadh’s illegal war against Sana‘a, or disavow Bani Saud’s genocidal campaign — the race is on to secure a favourable position.

Political uncertainty in Washington is making the Kingdom quite nervous, augmented by the fact that Yemen’s resistance movement has managed to hold its own against Riyadh’s massive military might despite enormous odds. As Marwa Osman, the Beirut-based analyst and lecturer at Lebanon’s International University noted in an interview with PressTV in November. “Not only has the Yemeni resistance withstood Saudi Arabia’s aggression, it has also managed to challenge the Kingdom’s territorial integrity by seizing control over large swathes of land.” She added, “Hardly the behaviour of a defeated power, is it?”

Indeed, if Yemen remains financially crippled, its people’s resolve to breathe free from the yoke of Wahhabism and navigate their own political future has inspired millions of Yemeni men and women to rally around the Houthis and push back. Once more we ought to pay tribute to Yemen’s resistance movement and end this cycle of ignorance the mainstream media have perpetuated by labelling this democratic effort under the name of a faction: the Houthis.

And though no one will argue that it was the Houthis who inspired all the people of Yemen to rise up, this one tribe of northern Yemen has only ever acted as a catalyst in Yemen’s grander revolutionary trajectory. Understanding this helps put the war into proper context.

Today Yemen’s war theatre risks slipping into dangerous dynamics as Saudi Arabia, this towering tyrant over aspiring free nations, has worked to import the Black Flag Army into the Arabian Peninsula after al-Qaeda failed in dislodging the resistance. Regardless of what anyone may think of the Houthis, or ‘Ali ‘Abdullah Saleh’s loyalists, Da‘ish militants should never be perceived as a potential alternative — and yet this is exactly the line Saudi Arabia and its allies have toed.

If the threat of al-Qaeda could not scare the world into opposing Saudi Arabia’s Wahhabist agenda, one can only hope that the rising pestilence of Da‘ish will spur an awakening, and compel nations to finally come out of their state of denial. Da‘ish is already in Yemen! This statement is no longer a figment of analysts’ imagination but a factual reality.

Bearing in mind the fact that the mainstream media usually lag in reporting truths, their opening up on Da‘ish’s presence in Yemen screams immediate danger — that of course and the possibility that South Yemen could soon be lost to the so-called “Caliphate.”

Make no mistake, should this come to pass, the world’s oil route, and the sense of economic entitlement the Western world imagines itself to own will disappear to the diktat of the Najdi Bedouins. Maybe, even this will not materialize. Maybe, just maybe, the puppet-master will turn into the puppet and lose to the nefarious character of its fanatical creation. Such eventuality should never be dismissed.

On November 23, a news report in al-Arabiya titled, “ISIS militant executes Yemeni colonel, films shooting on head-cam.” While the news report is no longer than a few lines, its essence leaves nothing to the imagination: Saudi Arabia just admitted that Da‘ish in fact moves and has moved in Yemen for quite some time. The killing of officials requires some degree of planning, and thus resources. Assuming that this news does not compel one to raise more than a bored eyebrow, consider the following. Da‘ish militants attacked and murdered a military official in the southern port city of Aden, which is under Saudi occupation, and the de facto seat of authority. Now, this is an interesting detail.

That’s not all! Not only is Aden under the thumb of Bani Saud but Yemen has remained under a land, air, and sea blockade, which means that Daesh Da‘ish would have had to be allowed in for them to operate in Yemen. A concerned Daily Mail read, “ISIS releases sickening video game-style first person shooter footage of Yemeni colonel’s assassination.”

Suddenly the head of the CIA (who resigned once Donald Trump won) John Brennan’s announcement that al-Qaeda and Da‘ish are in alliance in Yemen takes on new meaning. Speaking to CTC Sentinel, a publication from the West Point military academy’s Combating Terrorism Centre, Brennan explained this September that groups sometimes collaborate to maximise their efficiency in counteracting counterterrorism. He explained that this is more likely to happen in countries that are furthest from the Da‘ish heartlands in Syria and Iraq because they have less military strength than the original branches (they’ve already known that the difference between al-Qaeda and Da‘ish is only cosmetic).

“The farther away you get from that [Da‘ish] heartland of Syria and Iraq, the more likely you’re going to see collaboration between al-Qaeda elements, [Da‘ish] elements, and others,” he said. “We see it right now in Yemen…. There are indications that, in fact, they’re working together.”

It is not so much that al-Qaeda is working with Da‘ish but rather how Da‘ish is set to replace al-Qaeda to claim control over Yemen. With only a couple of months to go before President-elect Trump’s inauguration, Riyadh is looking to further radicalise its assets to manifest its will in the Arabian Peninsula and bring Yemen into the monarchical fold of its burgeoning, yet unstable, Wahhabist empire.

Article from

Crescent International Vol. 45, No. 10

Rabi' al-Awwal 01, 14382016-12-01

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